Forty years ago,
Studs Terkel published his famous book Working
in which over 130 individuals provided their own narratives of their work. By
letting workers speak for themselves in their own words with their own
emphases, Working was and remains a
powerful and influential testament to the multi-faceted nature of work that
affects nearly everyone in deeply personal ways. Like many others, Working clearly impacted Grant Michelson
and Shaun Ryan, two Australia-based New Zealanders who have written about
varied aspects of work, and through their book Just Work they seek “to celebrate the significance of, and broadly
continue in, the traditions established by Working”
(p. 2). Just Work therefore parallels
Working in presenting a variety of
worker narratives about their work in their own words. Specifically, 30
individuals from a diverse set of occupations in Australia voice the good, the
bad, and the ugly about their work in accounts that are nothing if not
authentic, right down to the Aussie slang (which is “grouse”).
A useful aspect
of this narrative approach is that each reader can make their own
interpretations and identify themes of interest. The diverse meanings of work, not only across
but also within individuals, resonated with me based on the
multi-faceted conceptual nature of work that have written about. As I argue in my book The Thought of Work, work is not a source of
income or fulfillment or stress or identity, it can be a complex source of
income and fulfillment and stress and identity and more, in practice and in
theory. Beyond this, it was striking that the
best and worst things at work are all of us. When relationships with
co-workers, managers, subordinates, and customers are good, these are
frequently cited as the aspects of work that individuals found the most
rewarding and engaging. In the words of Robert the migration agent, “any job is
a good job if you are working with good people” (p. 115). But when these
relationships were poor, they were frequently cited as the elements of work
that were the most frustrating. David, a phone salesperson had just quit his
job the day before his interview because he “was starting to hate people” (p.
72). Scholars and professionals in employment relations and human resources
have long asserted that people issues are of central importance in the
workplace, and these accounts bring this to life. But they further underscore
the impact that each of us as individuals can have on others in the workplace,
whether as workers or as customers.
Another theme I
saw is that how work fits with a worker’s life situation, goals, and values at
a particular time is very important. This goes beyond the well-recognized issue
of work-family balance to become a recognition that personal goals, whether
they be around schooling, family, community, or other spheres of life,
fundamentally shape how individuals think about work and influence what they
see as work that is fitting. So even individuals in the same job can view their
work differently (Gordon Cooke, Jimmy Donaghey, and Isik Zeytinoglu recently identified this same phenomenon in their 2013 Human Relations article, “The Nuanced Nature of
Work Quality: Evidence from Rural Newfoundland and Ireland”). Australia also
provides a rich context for understanding immigrants’ experiences with their work,
and the multiple narratives from those born outside of Australia reveal many of
the same influences, hopes, and frustrations. I’m sure other readers will find
other themes that speak to them.
Given the
prominence of Working, both in the
field and in this book, comparisons are inevitable. Like in Working, Just Work brings workers’ voices to us in authentic, powerful ways.
Working, however, has four times the
number of interviews. While this makes Just
Work more accessible than its 700-page predecessor, it does limit the scope
of the occupations represented. In particular, while I applaud the authors for
the explicit recognition that work can be unpaid, all of the interviews, by the
authors’ own admission, pertain to paid employment. The inclusion of some
narratives by unpaid workers could have helped reveal similarities and
differences between paid and unpaid work.
Being written by
academics, I appreciate that, compared to Working,
Just Work devotes more effort in the
beginning and end to providing frameworks for thinking about work and the
themes that emerge from the narratives. But I think the concluding chapter
could have dug deeper. While the authors discuss that the nature of work has
changed since Working was published,
less attention is devoted to the extent to which worker’s reactions to their work
has changed, or not. The authors do note that the narratives generally seem at
odds with the theme of work as “a Monday through Friday sort of dying” found in
Working. But is this because of
differences across time, across space and culture, or other factors? Of course,
these are big questions and there are no easy answers. Ultimately, we’ll need
to draw our own conclusions, but the authors experienced these interviews
firsthand and it would have been nice to hear more of their overall thoughts.
Grant Michelson and Shaun Ryan (2014) Just Work: Narratives of Employment in the 21st Century (Palgrave Macmillan).
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